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The Sudanese opposition should learn from its own political history since the freedom period after the independence of Sudan from Britain in 1956.
The leaders of the opposition in Sudan should learn from their historical mistakes to succeed. The majority of the opposition belongs to parties from the right wing represented by the Sudanese sectarian parties, while the left-wing parties are minority.
What the sectarian parties should learn in the opposition in Sudan is that the state is and should remain secular because the term state is a secular concept, especially when it consists of different ethnic groups with different beliefs.
It is the only way to achieve democracy and justice in the secular state. The message goes even to countries in other parts of the world that use religion in politics.
But, since most of the Sudanese opposition is holding the majority of characters from the religious, sect and tribal backgrounds it continues to fail.
It gets sometimes back to revert to the governing wing, which is part of the so-called Islamic orientation, which is a political scheme to topple the secular state in Sudan. However, when the parties of the right wing claimed the political power three times in three decades they didn’t succeed.
They manipulated as they didn’t take any positive role to exclude the Sharia laws and change the law in Sudan to a secular law. As sectarian parties they thought that changing the Sharia bad law, which was implanted by the dictator Jafar al Numeri in 1983 will extract them from their sectarianism, which is mainly religious.
Numeri has implemented the Sharaia laws, when influenced by Hassan al Turabi, the leader of the National Islamic Front (NIF) and appointed him and numbers of the NIF's members in key ministries in his dictatorial system.
The sectarian parties in the so-called third democracy were threatened by the third Islamic party with majority in the parliament, which was represented by the Islamic National Front (NIF).
The historical mistake was that they allowed this satanic party to participate in the Sudanese elections, although the party has committed severe political crimes.
In addition, they haven't implemented the goal of the Sudanese people's movement "intifada" to topple Numeri and his supporters in the NIF, when time came to subject and submit them to the national court for the crime they have committed.
Then the NIF executed a successful coup using their allies in the army to come with Omar al Bashir as president in 1989. Since that date the Sudanese opposition has lost the ground to stand on it and used by the military religious regime badly to obey.
Then because of these Sharia laws, Omar Hassan Bashir agreed to divide Sudan, when the vice president who is well-known as the second man in the NIF party signed the internationally forged comprehensive peace agreement.
This is how the political tragicomedy in Sudan goes. But the serious question here is why forgetting history is so easy for the Sudanese people?
Well, if they don’t change their sectarian clothes, they will never win Sudan back.
I was surprised when some characters in the Sudanese political parties in the opposition groups fired some statements about the political situation in Sudan, although they are the cause of the political problems in Sudan.
They described what happens in the regional and international scales as neglecting of the Sudanese people to share the ongoing discussions on those scales about the political situation in their country.
The surprise could be understandable when we look at the fact that the Sudanese opposition has forgotten what they call the international community to remember.
They said that the political situation of Sudan has become permissible on a regional scale and international scale, describing this situation as isolation of the Sudanese people, who are in fact the real source of interest in whatever goes in Sudan.
If they care about the people why they didn't sue the criminals by the themselves? Why they share with them the theatre play they show every day on the Sudanese political theatre?
Such remarks reveal resentment and inability of the Sudanese opposition groups to create democratic alternatives to the dictatorial regime that led the political deterioration of Sudan for more than twenty years.
The Sudanese opposition groups should learn and know what is occurring in this connection and acknowledge mistakes and orient the people every day. However, they prove to be not strong enough to stop all of the conspiracies against Sudan interiorly, regionally or internationally.
They have failed to stop the military religious regime through the armed struggle they started in Eritrea and Ethiopia and they came back to the country during the Ethio-Eritrean wars and after the peace agreement between the dictatorial regime and the armed movement of South Sudan in 2005.
While sharing the so-called democratic move towards the elections and despite objections to the election because of that the ruling party has rationed the election-system to favour the party, the Sudanese opposition failed to stop this farce elections and subject the regime to implement changes and organize fair elections from the beginning to the end.
Despite the fact that Sudan has witnessed a period of political vacuum after 2009, the Sudanese opposition did not invest this opportunity in line with the indictment of the International Tribunal (ICC) and the arrest warrant of the president of the Sudanese dictatorial regimes.
The Sudanese opposition did not constitute a strong movement in this direction to bring down the illegal regime during that period of political vacuum.
I will never see any worst political failure than this.
These facts and alike reveal the confusion among the Sudanese opposition and the lack of strong commitment to work collectively and in joint sectors to mobilize the Sudanese revolutionary youth to achieve political changes.
This is especially when we see that the Sudanese opposition has the armed alternative or even at least it has the power to mobilize the mass to get out in strong demonstrations forcing the regime to relinquish power.
It appears clearly since long time ago during those harsh twenty years that the dictatorial regime has succeeded to dismantle the Sudanese uprising mechanisms by resolving all national trade unions, associations and the students unions and replaced them by its cadres.
However, since the people’s uprising engine has stopped, we know that the Sudanese opposition has entered the country with a balance of armed alternative.
Why the opposition did not use this alternative until now?
Is it necessary to repeat what Abdul Nassir said once in a different matter, that what has been taken by force will not be retained without force.
It is possibly that the Sudanese political powers in the opposition have not a precautionary plan in advance of what can be done if the ruling party remiss to try to spin on any matter of political issues agreed upon in the peace agreement.
Moreover, the Sudanese opposition did not recognize the hidden trick in the agreement of the possibility that the armed movement in the southern Sudan could respond positively to all that the ruling party does in order to obtain independence for the south from the other parts of Sudan.
The Sudanese opposition did not work effectively and sufficiently enough to mobilize the Sudanese people against the international conspiracy some international powers sought through it to dismantle Sudan.
They offer the British neo-colonization the chance to harvest the root causes they have planted during their colonization period by helping the south to secede.
Do you wonder after this that the people did not move as the whole or mostly in a strong movement against the dictatorship or the sectarian parties?
It appears that Sudan requires many long years to clean up the minds from the Sudanese politics of myth. Only this will help the new generations raise their understanding of contemporary and modern politics and acquire the new culture to address all the myths and superstitions that control the destinies of the people.
We are here to do that. Join the New Sudan Action. Be part of the HOA Political Scene Network.
You have many options to be the start point of this action.
If you are just any Sudanese who look to the Sudanese political scene in the past and, of course the recent political scene with anger, keep in contact with this network.
Be a friend at Horn of Africa's Friends and fire Sudan news. Then contribute to that page through your membership portal. Yes, you can use Arabic too when you click on your membership at the Arabic HOA Political Scene.
When we get to know each other better and you become acquainted and trust your orientation and abilities, we will move you to the USHA's portal where you could agree to the USHA Framework and know other members from the entire Horn of Africa.
Read more, get the necessary knowledge, share your ideas and nominate other members. Then forward the network to your close friends using the form at Forward HOA's Political Scene here.
If you are a poet, join the Squadron of Poets here. When we know each other better and when you express your willingness to be part of USHA, we will move you there.
If you are a reporter, join the Horn of Africa's Journalists here. Share your reports and comments on the political issues of the Horn of Africa. Time will come when you are ready to enter the USHA's membership area and be part of this network.
For any other inquiries use the Contact Us page here.
In addition to this explanation you read through the Sudanese opposition, you have many pages about Sudan on the HOA Political Scene Network, all of which appear in some lines with the updates of the HOA Political Scene Blog:
The Sudanese Primary and Secondary Site Maps:
Site map 7 A, Sudan.
Site map 7 B, Sudanese Political Articles.
Site map 7 C, Sudanese Arabic Political Articles.
Site map 7 D, Sudanese Economical Forums.
Site map 7 E, Sudanese Cultural Forums.
Site map 7 F, Sudanese Forum.
Site map 7 G, Sudanese Forums.
Site map 7 H, Sudanese Regional Politics.
Site map 21 A, Write about Sudan.
Site map 21 B, Comments on Sudan.
Site map 21 C, Sudan Online.
Site map 21 D, Sudanese Online.
Site map 21 E, Sudanese Regime's Political Crimes.
Sudanese Political Pages:
Crisis Group| Darfur| Darfur Crisis| Darfur Rebels| Democracy in Sudan| Fur| Human Rights in Sudan| Luis Moreno Ocampo| Mao tse-Tung| Referendum in Southern Sudan| Save Darfur Coalition|
Sudanese Commentary Pages by Loyal Visitors:
About Darfur| Alert Sudan| Army Torturers in Sudan| Arrest Sudanese Dictator| Arrest Sudanese Dictator Comments| Background on Sudan's Comprehensive Peace Agreement| Background on Sudan's Comprehensive Peace Agreement Comments| Caligula the Sudanese| Comprehensive Peace Agreement Perplexed Sudanese| Comprehensive Peace Agreement Perplexed Sudanese Comments| Crimes Committed By Sudanese Dictators| Crimes Committed By Sudanese Dictators Comments| Darfur Crisis is Social Crisis| Darfur Crisis is Social Crisis Comments| Democracy is Not for the Mass in Sudan| Democracy is Not for the Mass in Sudan Comments|
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